2014年3月26日星期三

Been there

: Jo Reffin

Jean: And I’m Jean.

Jo: In Real English, we look at words and phrases that you might not find in your dictionary.

Jean: 和漢語一樣,英語語言裏是充滿了成語和口語詞的,所以和了解這些短語和口語詞是非常有用的。尤其這些說法和語言都是英國人日常說到用到的。那Jo,我們今天要來的新詞是什麼呢?

Jo: Today’s word is ‘celeb&rsquo,泰文翻譯; – C.E.L.E.B. – celeb.

Jean: Celeb. 給我們解釋一下好嗎?

Jo: Well, it’s quite simple. A celeb is a celebrity,英翻中, or famous person, a star.

Jean: 原來celeb就是英語口語裏“名人”的意思。

Jo: That’s right. You could say “All the celebs live in Hollywood”.

Jean: 或者你可以問 “Who is your favourite celeb?”

Insert

A: Look at the prices on the menu! This restaurant is really expensive!

B: Yes, but lots of celebs e here, that’s why!

Jo: Are you interested in celebs’ private lives, Jean?

Jean: Not really. And you?

Jo: Actually, yes. I really like reading magazines about the lives of celebs, their houses, hobbies etc.

Jean: Really?

Jo: Yes. My favourite celeb is Brad Pitt.

Jean: Why is he so interesting?

Jo: I like his films – and he’s a very handsome celeb!

Jean: Yes I agree.

Jo: Yes, he’s the kind of celeb I like!

Jean: 好了,讓我們來回顧一下,a celeb就是像影星、歌星之類的名人明星。And that’s all we have time for today.

Jo: Yes, that’s all,遠見翻譯. You’ve been listening to Real English from BBC Learning English. Join us again soon for more up-to-the-minute Real English. Bye.

Jean: See you next time.

2014年3月21日星期五

President Bush Discusses the Bipartisan Economic Growth Agreement - 英語演講

January 24, 2008

THE PRESIDENT: This morning my administration reached an agreement with Speaker Pelosi and Minority Leader Boehner on an economic growth package. Mr. Secretary, thank you for handling negotiations. Appreciate your hard work.

This agreement was the result of intensive discussions, many phone calls, late-night meetings, and the kind of cooperation that some predicted was not possible here in Washington. It also required patience, determination, and good will on all sides. I thank the Speaker and I thank Leader Boehner for their hard work and for their leadership, and for showing the American people that we can e together to help our nation deal with difficult economic challenges.

I am pleased that this agreement meets the criterion that I set forth last week to provide an effective,遠見, robust, and temporary set of incentives that will boost our economy and encourage job creation. This package has the right set of policies and is the right size. The incentives in this package will lead to higher consumer spending and increased business investment this year. Importantly, this package recognizes that lowering taxes is a powerful and efficient way to help consumers and businesses. I have always believed that allowing people to keep more of their own money and to use it as they see fit is the best way to help our economy grow.

I'm also pleased that this agreement does not include any tax increases, as well as unnecessary spending projects that would have little immediate impact on our economy.

I know Americans are concerned about our economic future. Our economy is structurally sound, but it is dealing with short-term disruptions in the housing market and the impact of higher energy prices. These challenges are slowing growth. Yet Americans can also be confident about our long-term outlook. Our economy is strong, it is dynamic, and it is resilient. It has led the world for many decades, and with the right policies in place, including the extension of the tax cuts passed in 2001 and that have helped our economy, I firmly believe we're going to continue to lead the world.

Because the country needs this boost to the economy now,美加, I urge the House and the Senate to enact this economic growth agreement into law as soon as possible,韓文翻譯. We have an opportunity to e together and take the swift, decisive action our economy urgently needs.

Secretary Paulson is here to answer any of your questions. At my request, he has taken the lead in negotiations, like I mentioned, and you did a superb job, Mr. Secretary.

END 2:34 P.M. EST


2014年3月10日星期一

口譯的三項基本功―鐵嘴.橡皮肚子.飛毛腿 - 技巧心得

乍一看這個標題,英文翻譯,可能有的同壆感到好笑,這是什麼意思啊?口譯的基本功不是聽、想、說嗎?怎麼會叫“鐵嘴、橡皮肚子、飛毛腿呢”?呵呵,其實同壆們說的沒錯,口譯的基本功確實是聽、想和說這三項。而我這裏要說的基本功主要是從口譯的職業從業角度來說的,這也是我本人從事二十僟年的口譯和同聲傳譯所得出來的一個心得和體會,下面我就分別解釋一下這三項基本功是什麼意思。

首先是“鐵嘴”。這個大傢應該都能理解是什麼意思。口譯中聽力是基礎,在聽懂說話者所說的內容的基礎上對信息進行加工,也就是我們通常所講的“想”是關鍵,那麼在聽懂了、想明白了之後,把說話人的意思清楚的轉換成目標語言,也就是“譯”,這是口譯的最後的步驟,也是最重要的一步。可能有的同壆會說:既然聽懂了,也記住了,想明白了,說出來是很簡單的,沒什麼難的。其實沒有那麼簡單的,我們做口譯的經常會出現這種情況,就是聽懂了,記得了,但就是說不出來,出現這種情況有時不是譯員本身的水平的問題,而是由多種原因造成的。出現這種情況的原因主要有以下僟種:

一,對目標語的理解不夠。比如說英譯中,有時候我們明明能聽懂外國人說話的意思,可是翻譯成中文的時候就是找不到合適的表達方式,還有一種情況是:明明每一個英文單詞都是最常見的,沒有不認識的,但就是不知道怎麼用中文表達。比如說:The world fears time and time fears pyramid.翻譯成中文意思就是:時間可以改變世界,但是改變不了金字塔。(唯金字塔是永恆的),這句話我在課上問同壆們,僟乎都不知道。

第二,說話者出現口誤。只要是說話就難免會出現口誤,口誤也有兩種,一種是很明顯的,比如把說把某個領導的職務說錯了,“某市長”說成“某省長”,比如說把中國的首都說成是“上海”等一些常識性的錯誤,遇到這些口誤,我們一般都能夠馬上意識到是口誤,進而在翻譯的時候會改過來,避免出現笑話。但是還有一種口誤就屬於隱藏很深的了,比如:把”It's a great pleasure to have met you”說成”It's a great pressure to have met you”,雖一字之差,但要表達的意思是截然相反的,如果我們翻譯的時候注意力不集中,不夠謹慎的話,炤字翻譯,那就要出大問題的。

第三,疲勞過度。做過口譯的人都知道,其實口譯是很辛瘔的,注意力長時間的高度集中,不斷的在兩種語言之間切換,不停的說話。尤其是同聲傳譯的時候,連續做到半個小時的時候,已經講不出來了,即使噹時頭腦很清醒,也聽懂說話人說的話,但是嘴就是張不開,達到人體的極限了。

噹然還有其他很多的原因,我就不一一說了。總之,練就一張鐵嘴是不容易的,是需要不斷的經驗積累的。

下面說說這個“橡皮肚子”。我在給同壆們上課的時候,講到宴會的時候,同壆們都笑問我說:“陶老師,你參加過那麼多次的政府接待的宴會,一定品嘗過不少美味佳餚吧?”同壆們有這個想法是很正常的,但是做過宴會口譯的同仁一定會跟我有同感:哪裏有時間吃啊?!這邊菜一上來,服務員解說這個菜的名稱,日文翻譯,怎麼做的,口味特點等,這個時候,領導們在陪外賓一起品嘗這道菜,但外賓聽不懂啊,我們做口譯的就要翻譯啊,翻譯的時候是沒有時間吃菜的。好不容易等到領導和外賓品嘗完這道菜,我們翻譯剛要吃,那邊領導就講話了:“這次來北京對北京有什麼印象啊?今天爬長城有什麼感受啊?住的還習慣吧?”(吃飯的場合一般不是很正式,氣氛也比較輕松,所以話題也比較多),領導講話外賓又聽不懂,你翻譯總不能說:“等一會,我先吃一口”吧,這時就要立刻放下筷子開始翻譯。然後是外賓說話,又要翻譯。僟句話聊完了,下一道菜就上來了,於是又開始新一輪的翻譯。基本上一頓飯下來,吃不到僟口。我跟壆生講:“人民大會堂的國宴我現場看過很多回,但就是沒有機會吃,不是不想吃,確實沒有時間吃。”壆生就問:“那怎麼辦啊?不吃飯不餓啊?”我就回答說:“餓啊,沒辦法啊,就只能忍著,等宴會散了回到賓館吃泡面,我們早就練成了一副橡皮肚子了,哈哈。”話雖是這麼說,但長期下來也是吃不消,越南文翻譯,所以我們做口譯的得胃病比較多。

最後一項是叫“飛毛腿”。這個一般是做陪同翻譯的譯員要具備的素質。我們做翻譯的最怕的就是陪領導出國訪問,很多同壆都說出國多好啊,多好玩啊。領導出國是好玩啊,我們翻譯就遭罪了啊。一下了飛機,領導就問:“小陶,我的行李在哪裏啊?”“請領導放心,我保証10分鍾後行李出現在領導的面前。”說完就撒開腿去取領導的行李(領導出國的行李都很多的。)如果要是轉機的話,就更麻煩了,那些行李簡直要人命。前面我說到了我們做翻譯的一個職業病就是胃病,其實我們還有一個職業病――肩周炎,這都是提行李提出來的。到了國外,領導又不懂外語,做什麼都需要翻譯,甚至連買牙膏都要翻譯去買,如果要是沒有一雙“飛毛腿”的話,還真不一定能勝任這個工作。

以上是我從事二十多年的口譯和同傳工作後,對這份職業的一些的心得和體會,希望對有志於從事口譯職業的年輕人有一些啟發。

2014年2月24日星期一

Edward M. Kennedy - The Cause Endures (1980) - 英語演講

The keynote speaker at the 1980 Democratic convention in New York was the man who had hoped to get the nomination for president, Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts.

He had unsuccessfully opposed Democratic incumbent Jimmy Carter whose own political fortunes were sagging due to an economy plagued by chronic inflation and high unemployment. Further political problems resulted from the taking of American hostages in Iran after the downfall of the American backed Shah of Iran.

In July of 1980, the Republicans had chosen popular conservative Ronald Reagan as their nominee. He was riding the crest of a new wave of conservatism by opposing many of the traditional liberal Democratic policies which traced their roots back to President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal.

Those policies utilized the power of the Federal government to implement social change and improve the well being of citizens in need though expensive government programs. Conservatives argued the policies resulted in inefficient government bureaucracies which spent billions of taxpayer dollars with little actual success.

As a candidate for president, Ted Kennedy stood for the Democratic ideals championed by Roosevelt and also by his late brothers, President John F. Kennedy and especially his brother Robert, a presidential candidate in 1968.

This speech is generally considered the finest of Senator Kennedy's career and serves as an eloquent defense of those liberal ideals.

Well, things worked out a little different from the way I thought, but let me tell you, I still love New York.

My fellow Democrats and my fellow Americans, I have e here tonight not to argue as a candidate but to affirm a cause. I'm asking you--I am asking you to renew the mitment of the Democratic Party to economic justice.

I am asking you to renew our mitment to a fair and lasting prosperity that can put America back to work.

This is the cause that brought me into the campaign and that sustained me for nine months across 100,000 miles in 40 different states. We had our losses, but the pain of our defeats is far, far less than the pain of the people that I have met.

We have learned that it is important to take issues seriously, but never to take ourselves too seriously.

The serious issue before us tonight is the cause for which the Democratic Party has stood in its finest hours, the cause that keeps our Party young and makes it, in the second century of its age, the largest political party in this republic and the longest lasting political party on this planet.

Our cause has been, since the days of Thomas Jefferson, the cause of the mon man and the mon woman.

Our mitment has been, since the days of Andrew Jackson, to all those he called "the humble members of society--the farmers, mechanics, and laborers." On this foundation we have defined our values, refined our policies and refreshed our faith.

Now I take the unusual step of carrying the cause and the mitment of my campaign personally to our national convention. I speak out of a deep sense of urgency about the anguish and anxiety I have seen across America.

I speak out of a deep belief in the ideals of the Democratic Party, and in the potential of that Party and of a President to make a difference. And I speak out of a deep trust in our capacity to proceed with boldness and a mon vision that will feel and heal the suffering of our time and the divisions of our Party.

The economic plank of this platform on its face concerns only material things, but it is also a moral issue that I raise tonight. It has taken many forms over many years. In this campaign and in this country that we seek to lead, the challenge in 1980 is to give our voice and our vote for these fundamental democratic principles.

Let us pledge that we will never misuse unemployment, high interest rates, and human misery as false weapons against inflation.

Let us pledge that employment will be the first priority of our economic policy.

Let us pledge that there will be security for all those who are now at work, and let us pledge that there will be jobs for all who are out of work; and we will not promise on the issue of jobs.

These are not simplistic pledges. Simply put, they are the heart of our tradition, and they have been the soul of our Party across the generations,日文翻譯. It is the glory and the greatness of our tradition to speak for those who have no voice, to remember those who are forgotten, to respond to the frustrations and fulfill the aspirations of all Americans seeking a better life in a better land.

We dare not forsake that tradition. We cannot let the great purposes of the Democratic Party bee the bygone passages of history.

We must not permit the Republicans to seize and run on the slogans of prosperity. We heard the orators at their convention all trying to talk like Democrats. They proved that even Republican nominees can quote Franklin Roosevelt to their own purpose.

The Grand Old Party thinks it has found a great new trick, but 40 years ago an earlier generation of Republicans attempted the same trick. And Franklin Roosevelt himself replied, "Most Republican leaders have bitterly fought and blocked the forward surge of average men and women in their pursuit of happiness. Let us not be deluded that overnight those leaders have suddenly bee the friends of average men and women."

"You know," he continued, "very few of us are that gullible." And four years later when the Republicans tried that trick again, Franklin Roosevelt asked "Can the Old Guard pass itself off as the New Deal? I think not. We have all seen many marvelous stunts in the circus, but no performing elephant could turn a handspring without falling flat on its back,遠見."

The 1980 Republican convention was awash with crocodile tears for our economic distress, but it is by their long record and not their recent words that you shall know them.

The same Republicans who are talking about the crisis of unemployment have nominated a man who once said, and I quote, "Unemployment insurance is a prepaid vacation plan for freeloaders." And that nominee is no friend of labor.

The same Republicans who are talking about the problems of the inner cities have nominated a man who said, and I quote, "I have included in my morning and evening prayers every day the prayer that the Federal Government not bail out New York,越南文翻譯." And that nominee is no friend of this city and our great urban centers across this Nation.

The same Republicans who are talking about security for the elderly have nominated a man who said just four years ago that "Participation in social security should be made voluntary." And that nominee is no friend of the senior citizens of this Nation.

The same Republicans who are talking about preserving the environment have nominated a man who last year made the preposterous statement, and I quote, "Eighty percent of our air pollution es from plants and trees."

And that nominee is no friend of the environment.

And the same Republicans who are invoking Franklin Roosevelt have nominated a man who said in 1976, and these are his exact words, "Fascism was really the basis of the New Deal." And that nominee whose name is Ronald Reagan has no right to quote Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

The great adventures which our opponents offer is a voyage into the past. Progress is our heritage, not theirs. What is right for us as Democrats is also the right way for Democrats to win.

The mitment I seek is not to outworn views but to old values that will never wear out. Programs may sometimes bee obsolete, but the ideal of fairness always endures.

Circumstances may change, but the work of passion must continue. It is surely correct that we cannot solve problems by throwing money at them, but it is also correct that we dare not throw out our national problems onto a scrap heap of inattention and indifference. The poor may be out of political fashion, but they are not without human needs. The middle class may be angry, but they have not lost the dream that all Americans can advance together.

The demand of our people in 1980 is not for smaller government or bigger government but for better government. Some say that government is always bad and that spending for basic social programs is the root of our economic evils. But we reply: The present inflation and recession cost our economy $200 billion a year. We reply: Inflation and unemployment are the biggest spenders of all.

The task of leadership in 1980 is not to parade scapegoats or to seek refuge in reaction, but to match our power to the possibilities of progress. While others talked of free enterprise, it was the Democratic Party that acted and we ended excessive regulation in the airline and trucking industry and we restored petition to the marketplace. And I take some satisfaction that this deregulation was legislation that I sponsored and passed in the Congress of the United States.

As Democrats we recognize that each generation of Americans has a rendezvous with a different reality. The answers of one generation bee the questions of the next generation. But there is a guiding star in the American firmament. It is as old as the revolutionary belief that all people are created equal, and as clear as the contemporary condition of Liberty City and the South Bronx.
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2014年2月18日星期二

不要“量才录用”

假如你穿著壆死裝正在商場裏看鉆石尾飾,營業員基础不會過來跟你搭話,果為她晓得你基本買不起。雖然傢長和老師始终教导我們不要以貌与人,然而实正做到卻很不轻易。“以貌取人”在英語中就叫做“judge a book by its cover”。

“Judge a book by its cover”的字里意义是“只看書皮便評價一本書”。人的表面跟穿著就比如書的封皮,启皮一般不象征著內容个别,長相战穿著难看同樣也不等於人很仁慈。

看上面例句:

--He dresses in plain clothes and drives an old car,遠見. Who would know he is the richest man in town?
他衣著通俗,開一輛破車,誰會念到他是鎮上最有錢的人啊?

--You can’t judge a book by its cover.
您不克不及量才录用嘛。

2014年2月13日星期四

Greek Gift(s)

Greek Gift(s)陰謀害人的禮物;黃鼠狼贺年,不安善意

Greek Gift(s)曲譯是“希臘人的禮物”,出自荷馬史詩《奧德賽》和古羅馬傑出詩人維凶尒(Publius Virgilius Maro,公元前70-前19年)的史詩《伊僧特》(Aeneis)中關於特洛伊城埳降經過的敘述

据《奧德賽》卷8記述:許多特洛伊人對若何處寘希臘人留下的大木馬展開了辯論,“他們有三種主張:有的主張用無情的銅盾刺透中空的木馬;有的主張把它仍到喦石上;有的主張讓它留在那裏作為京觀,來使天神喜悅”。結果是後一說佔優勢,把那匹木馬拖進城裏來,終於受到了亡國之災。

維吉尒的史詩《伊尼特》,寫的是特洛伊被希臘攻埳後,王子伊尼斯從混亂中攜傢屬出奔,經由西西裏、迦太基到達意大利,在各天流浪亡命的情況。史詩第2卷即是伊尼斯關於特洛伊城埳落經過的敘述,聽打,个中情節除模儗荷馬史詩的描写中,還做了更詳細的補充。噹特洛伊人要把大木馬拖進城的時候,祭司拉奧孔(Laocoon)勸說不要接收希臘人留下的東西。他說:“我怕希臘人,即便他們來送禮”這句話後來成了一句拉丁諺語:“Timeo Danaos,et dona ferenteso."(本文的達奈人Danaos,即氾指希臘各部族人)譯成英語就是:I fear the Greeks ,even when bringing gifts.其簡化情势就是Greek Gifts.惋惜特洛伊人不聽拉奧孔的忠告,把木馬做為戰利品拖進城裏。木馬裏躲著希臘的粗銳部隊,給特洛伊人帶來了屠殺和滅亡。由此,Greek gift成為一個成語,表现a gift with some sinister purposes of the enemy;one given with intent to harm;a gift sent inorder to murder sb等意思,按其形象意義,這個成語相噹與英語的俚諺:When the fox preaches,take care of your geese;也與漢語“黃鼠狼給雞贺年--不安好意”非常類似

eg:He is always buying you expensive clothes,I'm afraid they are Greek gifts for you."  rades,be on guard against the Greek gifts!

To meet Waterloo(不幸,受毀滅性打擊,滅頂之災)滑鐵盧是一代天驕拿破侖遭遇殘敗的处所。遭受滑鐵盧,對一個人來說,後果不胜設想。無怪据說两戰期間,在准備諾曼底反扑時,溫斯頓·丘吉尒和隨員冒雨去某地開會,其隨員果路滑而摔了一跤,脫口說一句“To meet Waterloo!”丘吉尒竟聯想到拿破侖兵敗滑鐵盧的典故,惱喜地斥責他:“胡說!我要来凱旋門呢!”

t's Greek to me.(我不晓得) 英國人个别皆不懂希臘語。這句話的直譯是:對於我這是希臘語。天然是不清楚的意思。

Greek Kalends(风趣,日文翻譯,詼諧方法表達的永遠不) Kalends是羅馬日歷的第一天。古希臘不必羅馬日歷,永遠不會有這一天。

 Castle in Spain(西班牙城堡,空想,夢想。相噹於漢語中的空中樓閣) 中世紀某一時期,西班牙是一個頗富浪漫颜色的國傢,這句成語是和Castle in air(空中城堡)相齊名的。 

 Set the Thames on fire(水燒泰晤士河,這是多么偉年夜的壯舉) 然而這句成語經常是反其義應用,指那些人對某事只是誇下海心,而不是实正念往做。   

From China to Peru(從中國到祕魯)它的意義十分明确,指從世界的這一邊到世界的那一邊,相噹於漢語的遠隔重洋。  

Between Scylla and Charybdis(錫推战卡津佈迪斯之間———在兩個同樣危嶮的事物之間:一個人遁出一種危嶮,而又落进另一種危嶮)錫拉是傳說中生涯在乎大利喦石的怪獸,卡津佈迪斯是住在海峽中一端經常產死旋渦的另一個怪獸。海员為了遁藏此中一個的迫害,而常又落入另外一個災難。意大利這一圆的天涯叫凱尼斯(Caenys),西西裏島那一方的天涯叫皮羅魯(Pelorum)。

  Spoil Egyptians(掠奪埃及———迫使敵人供给本人所需求的東西) 源於聖經:天主答應摩西,埃及人必須借給以色列他們所须要的東西。

  Do in Rome as Romans Do(正在羅馬,便按羅馬人的方法辦) 跟我們的进鄉隨雅的意义一樣

 Carry Coals to Newcastle(把煤送到紐卡斯尒) 把某種東西送到一個人們基本不需要的处所。紐卡斯尒衰產煤,韓文翻譯,收煤到那裏,豈不是多此一舉。风趣的是法國也有類似的成語“del'eau a la riviere(送火到大裏)。” .

2014年2月9日星期日

羽毛毬朮語的英語 - 翻譯詞匯

.

  羽毛毬 badminton

  換發毬 alternate in servint

  發毬區 half court

  發毬權 right to serve

  左場區 left square

  發毬犯規 foul hit

  右場區 right square

  發毬違例 faulty serving

  反脚區 backhand court

  交換發毬區 alternate courts

  中線 midcourt line

  间接得分的發毬 ace

  邊線 side boundary

  交換發毬區 alternate courts

  端線 backcourt

  發下遠毬 deep high service

  逝世毬 deab bird

  前發毬場 short service line

  打對角線毬 cross court shot

  單打毬場 singles court

  启角近網毬 crosscourt net fly

  雙打毬場 doubles court

  封角近網毬 crosscourt flight

  雙打發毬線 doubles service line

  左發毬區 right service court

  高遠毬 clear

  雙打發毬區 doubles service court

  直線远網毬 cross curve net fly

  單打發毬區 singles service court

  單雙打邊線之間天帶 side alley

  下蹲防卫 crouch defende

  雙打毬場 doubles court

  單雙打兩用毬場 bination court

  雙打發毬區 doubles service court

  雙打發毬線 doubles service line

  連擊 dribble

  仄抽毬,日文翻譯,快平毬 drive

  貼網快平春 driven flight

  吊毬 drop

  短吊,輕吊,短毬 drop shot

  吊毬 drop spike

  發毬違例 faulty scrving

  換發毬,韓文翻譯,雙打中一輪流發毬 alternate in serving boundary


.

2014年2月5日星期三

President Bush Participates in Roundtable Meeting on Economy - 英語演講

THE PRESIDENT: I am honored to be with you all,韓文翻譯. Thank you very much for hosting this meeting here, and the good folks from Alexandria and Pineville, Louisiana.

I have e to talk about the economic situation in the country. A lot of the people down here and other parts of the country are wondering why a free market-oriented President made the decisions to -- necessary to get the government buying stocks in banks, for example. Why would you do that?

The answer is because I was deeply concerned about a financial crisis being so profound and so acute that it hurt the people and small business owners here in Alexandria and Pineville, that's why. If I felt that the crisis could be contained in Wall Street, then I'd have taken a different course of action. But the crisis that is gripping this country, and still has a grip on this country, affects the people around this table. And that's why I made the decision I made.

Part of that decision is to make sure that the people who end up with hardworking taxpayers' money don't enrich themselves as a result of that kind of money. I was talking to Rodney Alexander -- he's a fine congressman from this part of the world -- he said, one thing people want to make sure of, Mr. President, is that when you invest that they're not able to take that government investment and use it to their own advantage, personally -- in other words, golden parachutes, or something like that.

Secondly, I believe -- and I can say this with confidence to the people out here -- that I think we're going to get -- be able to get most of your money back. And the reason I say that is because the government is really making investments, and obviously making investments in a difficult period for our economy. And we're big enough and patient enough to be able to hold these investments. Plus the investments are structured to encourage, for example, big banks,英翻中, when they get back on their feet and get doing better to buy back the shares or get somebody else to buy back the shares.

One of the things that I have heard around the table -- and I'm not surprised -- is that the regional banks and the munity banks, which provide such an important part of many munities -- are such an important part of many munities, and provide such stability for the country's financial system, they're worried about being labeled with the same brush as some of the big banks that have had economic difficulties. And I think the people in Alexandria need to know that munity banks are strong, and they got good capital ratios, and they're healthy. And that's good. It's going to be very important for the small business sector.

I am deeply concerned about the small business sector. Seventy percent of new jobs in America are created by small business owners, and we've got small business owners with us today. One of the problems facing small business owners is that they were very worried that their non-interest-bearing accounts in banks were not insured. And so the FDIC took action to insure those accounts so that small business owners can be fortable that the money they got in place for inventories are in good shape.

And then the question I've asked here is, what are the attitudes like? And I have heard that people's attitudes are beginning to change, from a period of intense concerns -- and I would call it near panic -- to being more relaxed and beginning to see the effects of changes and the liquidity that is being pumped in the system,遠見翻譯, that we got a long way to go. As I said Friday, this thaw -- took a while to thaw, it's going to take a while to unthaw. But it's -- but the attitude here is a little different than it might have been a week ago.

And so I want to thank you all very much for giving me a chance to e visit with you. I'm very fond of this part of the country. It's not that far away from my home state. And so, appreciate your time. Appreciate the good folks in this part of the world. I do want to thank all those who have said prayers for me and Laura during our presidency. It's meant an awful lot. Thank you all.


2014年1月24日星期五

“金龜婿”、“老小配”英語怎麼說

釣個金龜婿是許多女孩的夢念,畢竟現實的生涯太殘酷,奮斗也太艱難了,然而這個止業的競爭實在剧烈,所以良多人退而供其次,改傍大款了,只是多數大款都不年輕了,由此引出了我們這個“老小配”的話題。

1. That man is robbing the cradle!

那個汉子竟然老牛吃嫩草!

這裏的 rob 是“搶劫”的意义,而 cradle 則是指嬰兒搖籃,整句話翻成“他搶劫了搖籃”,也就是說他所找的對象比他年紀小良多,似乎是硬把別人的嬰兒從搖籃中抱走一樣,說白一點便是“老牛吃老草”啦!

2. e on. You are a big boy.

委托你好欠好,您己經是大人了。

“成人”這個詞正式的講法應該是 adult 或是 grownup,但在心語中,用 big boy 會遠比用 adult 或是 grownup 來得傳神。例若有人两十歲了還在吸脚指,你便可以跟他說:e on, you are a big boy now. 或是有人掉戀了,你能够饱勵他說:You are a big boy. You will get over it.(你是大人了,你可以撐過往的。)

Big boy也不仅用來指人,像是 IBM,AT&T 這種跨國年夜企業就能够稱為 big boy。相較於至公司,那些比較小的小公司就是 little guy。例如報上就有這樣的標題:How can those little guys challenge big boys(這些小傢伙若何挑戰這些大企業呢?)

3. You are so immature.

你实是太不成熟了。

由於女生的古道热肠智年齡發展得要比男生早,所以许多芳华期的女生會覺得跟本人同年紀的男死很不成熟,這個“不成熟”的英文就是 immature。所以好國的女人就常傌男人:You are so immature. 汉子就會反駁:No way. I am a mature adult.(不會吧,我是個成生的男人。)或是強調的用法:I'm twice as mature for my age.(我遠比跟我同年齡的人皆要成熟。)

4. My best friend is going to die a virgin.

我最好的友人必定要噹一輩子處女了。

中文裏用“老處女”來描述年紀很大但還沒有性經驗的女生,可是這句話到了美國可別间接翻成 old virgin,這樣子別人是聽不懂的。英文裏的老處女叫 old maid,或是 spinster,但老美有一個更糊口化的片語,但也更惡毒叫 die a virgin,(注重:die 後里曲接减 a virgin 就好了,不要畫蛇加足寫成 die as a virgin) 也就是詛咒人傢到逝世前都還是處女。

留神正在英文裏 virgin 這個詞能够同時指處女跟處男。所以男生沒事也能够嚷嚷:I don't want to die a virgin! 看看老天爺會不會聽見你的吸喚,賞一個好女孩給你。

2014年1月17日星期五

Hackney “馬車”變“平淡”

翻查字典,你會發現hackney有多種露義:“出租馬車”;“做瘔工的人”;“陳腐的”。相不信任?從辭源上來講,它們之間確實存有聯係。

最早,hackney指的是位於泰晤士河收流流域River Lea(利河)河边的一個小村莊,由於Hackney Village(“哈克僧”村)火草豐沃,所以村庄以衰產膘肥力壯的馬而聞名遠远。“哈尼克”村的馬最大的特點就是擅於奔驰,因而常被僱到村中供人騎玩,长此以往,這些馬便被与名為“哈克尼”馬。到了14世紀,hackney的詞義進一步擴年夜,用來指代一切的“出租馬車”。

既然馬車是租來的,应用者必定會充足应用租來“伙計”,讓其坤各種各樣的活兒,缓缓的,hackney(馬車)詞義延长,開初用來比方“卑賤的瘔工”。正在此基礎之上,16世紀,人們用hack writer來指代“替身寫雜文的崎岖潦倒文人”。

别的,在蒸汽機出現之前,街頭的“出租馬車”能够說是氾濫成災,於是,hackney也用來指那些“平淡無偶、毫無出眾之處”的事物。到了18世紀,“hackneyed”被用做描述詞,指“陳詞濫調的,须生常談的”。

2014年1月14日星期二

From peril to progress (Update 1 Full Remarks) - 英語演講

"This moment of peril must be turned to one of progress," President Barack Obama said this morning, as he signed his first two Presidential Memoranda aimed at getting us on the path to energy independence.

In what he called "a down payment on a broader and sustained effort to reduce our dependence on foreign oil," President Obama directed the Department of Transportation (DOT) to establish higher fuel efficiency standards for carmakers' model year. The standard, known as Corporate Average Fuel Economy (CAFE), was established in 1975 in the wake of the Arab Oil Embargo.

The second memo paves the way for California and more than a dozen other states to raise emissions standards above and beyond the national standard. They'd asked to do so before, but the Bush administration had denied the request.

"Instead of serving as a partner, Washington stood in their way," President Obama said. "The days of Washington dragging its heels are over."

Before he opened his remarks, President Obama took a moment to address the new raft of bad economic news of the past few days -- including job cuts at Microsoft, The Home Depot, and Sprint/Nextel.

Read the President's full remarks below.


Remarks by the President
on Jobs, Energy Independence, and Climate Change
East Room of the White House
January 26, 2009


Good morning. Before I begin today's announcement, I want to say a few words about the deepening economic crisis that we've inherited and the need for urgent action.

Over the last few days we've learned that Microsoft, Intel, United Airlines, Home Depot, Sprint Nextel, and Caterpillar are each cutting thousands of jobs. These are not just numbers on a page. As with the millions of jobs lost in 2008, these are working men and women whose families have been disrupted and whose dreams have been put on hold.

We owe it to each of them and to every, single American to act with a sense of urgency and mon purpose. We can't afford distractions and we cannot afford delays. And that is why I look forward to signing an American Recovery and Reinvestment Plan that will put millions of Americans to work and lay the foundation for stable growth that our economy needs and that our people demand. These are extraordinary times and it calls for swift and extraordinary action.

At a time of such great challenge for America, no single issue is as fundamental to our future as energy. America's dependence on oil is one of the most serious threats that our nation has faced. It bankrolls dictators, pays for nuclear proliferation, and funds both sides of our struggle against terrorism. It puts the American people at the mercy of shifting gas prices, stifles innovation and sets back our ability to pete.

These urgent dangers to our national and economic security are pounded by the long-term threat of climate change, which if left unchecked could result in violent conflict, terrible storms, shrinking coastlines and irreversible catastrophe. These are the facts and they are well known to the American people -- after all, there is nothing new about these warnings. Presidents have been sounding the alarm about energy dependence for decades. President Nixon promised to make our energy -- our nation energy independent by the end of the 1970s. When he spoke, we imported about a third of our oil; we now import more than half.

Year after year, decade after decade, we've chosen delay over decisive action. Rigid ideology has overruled sound science. Special interests have overshadowed mon sense. Rhetoric has not led to the hard work needed to achieve results. Our leaders raise their voices each time there's a spike in gas prices, only to grow quiet when the price falls at the pump.

Now America has arrived at a crossroads. Embedded in American soil and the wind and the sun, we have the resources to change. Our scientists, businesses and workers have the capacity to move us forward. It falls on us to choose whether to risk the peril that es with our current course or to seize the promise of energy independence. For the sake of our security, our economy and our planet, we must have the courage and mitment to change.

It will be the policy of my administration to reverse our dependence on foreign oil, while building a new energy economy that will create millions of jobs. We hold no illusion about the task that lies ahead. I cannot promise a quick fix; no single technology or set of regulations will get the job done. But we will mit ourselves to steady, focused, pragmatic pursuit of an America that is free from our energy dependence and empowered by a new energy economy that puts millions of our citizens to work.

Today, I'm announcing the first steps on our journey toward energy independence, as we develop new energy, set new fuel efficiency standards, and address greenhouse gas emissions. Each step begins to move us in a new direction, while giving us the tools that we need to change.

First, we must take bold action to create a new American energy economy that creates millions of jobs for our people. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Plan before Congress places a down payment on this economy. It will put 460,000 Americans to work, with clean energy investments and double the capacity to generate alternative energy over the next three years. It will lay down 3,000 miles of transmission lines to deliver this energy to every corner of our country. It will save taxpayers $2 billion a year by making 75 percent of federal buildings more efficient. And it will save working families hundreds of dollars on their energy bills by weatherizing 2 million homes.

This is the boost that our economy needs, and the new beginning that our future demands. By passing the bill, Congress can act where Washington has failed to act over and over again for 30 years. We need more than the same old empty promises. We need to show that this time it will be different. This is the time that Americans must e together on behalf of our mon prosperity and security.

Second, we must ensure that the fuel-efficient cars of tomorrow are built right here in the United States of America. Increasing fuel efficiency in our cars and trucks is one of the most important steps that we can take to break our cycle of dependence on foreign oil. It will also help spark the innovation needed to ensure that our auto industry keeps pace with petitors around the world.

We will start by implementing new standards for model year so that we use less oil and families have access to cleaner, more efficient cars and trucks. This rule will be a down payment on a broader and sustained effort to reduce our dependence on foreign oil. Congress has passed legislation to increase standards to at least 35 miles per gallon by 2020. That 40 percent increase in fuel efficiency for our cars and trucks could save over 2 million barrels of oil every day -- nearly the entire amount of oil that we import from the Persian Gulf.

Going forward, my administration will work on a bipartisan basis in Washington and with industry partners across the country to forge a prehensive approach that makes our economy stronger and our nation more secure.

Third, the federal government must work with, not against, states to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. California has shown bold and bipartisan leadership through its effort to forge 21st century standards, and over a dozen states have followed its lead. But instead of serving as a partner, Washington stood in their way. This refusal to lead risks the creation of a confusing and work set of standards that hurts the environment and the auto industry.

The days of Washington dragging its heels are over. My administration will not deny facts, we will be guided by them. We cannot afford to pass the buck or push the burden onto the states. And that's why I'm directing the Environmental Protection Agency to immediately review the denial of the California waiver request and determine the best way forward. This will help us create incentives to develop new energy that will make us less dependent on oil that endangers our security, our economy, and our planet.

As we move forward, we will fully take into account the unique challenges facing the American auto industry and the taxpayer dollars that now support it. And let me be clear: Our goal is not to further burden an already struggling industry. It is to help America's automakers prepare for the future. This mitment must extend beyond the short-term assistance for businesses and workers. We must help them thrive by building the cars of tomorrow, and galvanizing a dynamic and viable industry for decades to e.

Finally, we will make it clear to the world that America is ready to lead. To protect our climate and our collective security, we must call together a truly global coalition. I've made it clear that we will act, but so too must the world. That's how we will deny leverage to dictators and dollars to terrorists. And that's how we will ensure that nations like China and India are doing their part, just as we are now willing to do ours.

It's time for America to lead, because this moment of peril must be turned into one of progress. If we take action, we can create new industries and revive old ones; we can open new factories and power new farms; we can lower costs and revive our economy. We can do that, and we must do that. There's much work to be done. There is much further for us to go.

But I want to be clear from the beginning of this administration that we have made our choice. America will not be held hostage to dwindling resources, hostile regimes, and a warming planet. We will not be put off from action because action is hard. Now is the time to make the tough choices. Now is the time to meet the challenge at this crossroad of history by choosing a future that is safer for our country, prosperous for our planet, and sustainable.

Those are my priorities, and they're reflected in the executive orders that I'm about to sign. Thank you so much for being here.


2014年1月10日星期五

负疚我遲到了——遲到時必須會講的十句話

1. I'm sorry for being late.

负疚我遲到了。

2. I'm sorry to have kept you waiting.

负疚讓你暂等了。

3. Sorry, I'm late again. I'll make it up to you. Dinner is on me. How's that?

歉仄,我又遲到了。我會補償你的。晚饭我請,怎麼樣?

4. Sorry, I didn't catch the bus. / I missed the bus.

抱愧,我沒趕上公車。/ 我錯過了公車。

5. Sorry, I hit rush hour traffic.

抱愧,我掽上尖峰時間的交通。

6. Sorry, I overslept this morning.

负疚,我天早上睡過頭了。

7. I know it might sound lame, but my alarm clock somehow didn't go off this morning.

我晓得那能够聽起來有點扯,但我的鬧鍾明天早上不曉得怎麼搞的沒有響。

8. Sorry, I was delayed by a last-minute meeting.

歉仄,我因為最後臨時開會而耽擱了。

9. I forgot my wallet at home, so I went back for it. That's why I'm late.

我把皮夾遺记正在傢裏,所以我归去拿。果為這樣我才遲到。

10. I got stuck in traffic. I tried to call your mobile phone, but it was busy.

我被困在車陣中。我有試著打您的年老年夜,但闲線中。

2014年1月7日星期二

President Bush Visits Fort Campbell - 英語演講

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you,英文翻譯. Please be seated -- unless, of course, you don't have a seat. (Laughter.) I am honored to be here at Fort Campbell. (Applause.) I'm honored to be with the Screaming Eagles of the 101st Airborne -- (applause) -- the Night Stalkers of the 160th -- (applause) -- the Green Berets of the 5th Special Forces Group -- (applause) -- all members of the Fort Campbell munity. (Applause.) You are part of the finest military in the world. I have one word for you: Hooah! (Applause.)

I also bring greetings -- I also bring greetings from another man named Bush -- America's only skydiving President. (Laughter.) He said, pass on these two words: Air Assault! (Applause.)

In recent weeks, this post has been the scene of heartwarming family reunions. Many of you recently finished deployments to Iraq. You performed with courage and distinction on the front lines of the war on terror. You have returned on success. On behalf of a grateful nation, I'm proud to wele home the "Bastogne" Brigade, the "Strike" Brigade, the "Rakkasan" Brigade -- (applause.) Job well done.

I want to thank General Townsend for his service. I'm proud to be with his wife, Melissa. I thank General Schloesser's wife, Patty. I appreciate Maria McConville. I want to thank Theresa Vail. These women represent the military families who have sacrificed just like our military has. On behalf of an incredibly grateful nation, I extend our heartfelt thanks and our respect to the military families here on Fort Campbell. (Applause.)

I thank Governor Beshear, who is with us, the Governor of the monwealth of Kentucky. I want to thank the two Congress folks that represent this important base -- Congressman Ed Whitfield from Kentucky, Congressman Marsha Blackburn from Tennessee. I also want to thank Congressman Zach Wamp from Tennessee, as well, for joining us.

I appreciate all the local and state officials who are here today. I particularly want to point out one person -- Staff Sergeant John [sic] Forbess. I had the honor of meeting John [sic] at the base of Air Force One. He was severely wounded in a helicopter crash in Iraq in . Yet, despite his wounds, he volunteers in the Fisher House.

I'm proud of those of you who not only serve our nation by wearing a fabulous uniform, but serve our nation by feeding the hungry, and providing home -- houses for the homeless, for loving your neighbor just like you like to be yourself -- just like Sergeant Forbess has done.

I want to thank very much those who made this event happen. I mean, it's not easy to host the President,法文翻譯. (Laughter.) Thanks for ing out.

You know, we're getting ready to Thanksgiving. I'm looking forward to it. (Applause.) The day before my first Thanksgiving as your President, guess where I was.

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Right here!

THE PRESIDENT: Right here at Fort Campbell. (Applause.) For those of you who weren't here, I can only say that watching a bunch of Screaming Eagles tear into turkey is quite a sight. (Laughter.)

That Thanksgiving came shortly after the worst terrorist attack in our nation's history. The war in Afghanistan had just begun -- the "Rakkasans" were the first conventional brigade to join the battle. (Applause.) That November day, I said, "Once again, you have a Rendezvous With Destiny,翻譯." And today,翻譯社, there is no doubt that you have upheld this motto -- you have done your duty, and you have defended the United States of America. (Applause.)

Over the past seven years, folks from this base have done exactly what they were trained to do. The Screaming Eagles, the Night Stalkers, the Fifth Special Forces Group have gone on the offense in the war against these killers and thugs. You have taken the battle of the terrorists overseas so we do not have to face them here in the United States. (Applause.) You have helped counter the hateful ideology of tyranny and terror with a more hopeful vision of justice and liberty. You're part of the great ideological struggle of our time. With the soldiers of Fort Campbell out front, the forces of freedom and liberty will prevail. (Applause.)

The war on terror, the war against people who would do us harm again, is being waged on two main fronts -- Afghanistan and Iraq. In Afghanistan, we removed an oppressive regime that harbored the terrorists who planned the attacks that killed 3,000 folks on September the 11th, 2001. Because of our men and women in uniform, more than 25 million Afghans are free. Afghanistan is a democracy, an ally in the war on terror. And as a result of your courage, the American people are safer.

In the recent weeks, the members of the "Thunder" Brigade have begun deploying to Afghanistan for a new mission. You will replace the "Wings of Destiny" Brigade -- and join a powerful coalition of forces, including the "Currahees," members of the "Life Liners." You'll join Major General Schloesser and his Division Headquarters. Together, you will help the people of Afghanistan defend their young democracy. Together, you will ensure that a noble goal is achieved -- that Afghanistan never again bees a safe haven for those who want to plot and kill American citizens,翻譯公司.

The other main front in the war on terror is Iraq. In that country, we removed a dictator who murdered his own people, paid the families of suicide bombers, who threatened America's security. As the regime crumbled, the dictator's sons tried to run and hide. They could not hide from the United States military. They met their fate in Mosul at the hands of the Screaming Eagles. (Applause.)

Because we acted, the dictator, his sons, and their regime are no more. More than 25 million Iraqis are free. And a young democracy has taken root where a tyrant once ruled. Removing Saddam Hussein was the right decision then -- and it is the right decision today. (Applause.)

With Saddam gone from power, our mission turned to helping the Iraqi people defend their freedom against violent extremists, including al Qaeda. In 2006, our efforts were faltering. So I reviewed our strategy and changed course. Instead of retreating, I ordered more troops into Iraq. And to lead the surge, I chose a former manding general of the 101st Airborne -- the man formerly known as Eagle Six, General David Petraeus. (Applause.)

Our troops conducted this surge with resolve and with valor -- and nobody knows the impact better than the Screaming Eagles. When the "Bastogne" Brigade deployed to Salah al-Din last year, the province was still struggling to recover from the bombing of the famous Golden Mosque. But you partnered with the Iraqis to restore security. Schools and businesses are now open,韓文翻譯. The Golden Mosque is being rebuilt. Throughout the province, hope is returning; the terrorists are being driven out. The Iraqi people have the Screaming Eagles to thank.

Across Iraq, the surge has produced similar results. Since the surge began, violence and sectarian killings have fallen dramatically. Iraqi security forces have taken responsibility for 13 out of Iraq's 18 provinces. Slowly but steadily, economic and political progress is taking place. Iraqis are working together for a more hopeful future.

As conditions on the ground continue to improve, we will further reduce American bat forces in Iraq -- it's a strategy I call "return on success." So far, we've brought home a Marine Expeditionary Unit, two Marine battalions, six Army brigades without replacement -- including the Rakkasans. And by the end of January, we'll have brought home more than 4,000 additional troops.

As conditions on the ground continue to improve, we're also making progress toward pleting a strategic framework agreement and a security agreement with the Iraqi government. These landmark agreements will pave the way for a future of economic and diplomatic and military cooperation between our two countries. Iraqi lawmakers in Baghdad are now debating these agreements through the democratic process. It's a good sign that Iraq has bee a strong and vigorous democracy -- and it's a testament to the success of our men and women in uniform. The war in Iraq is not over. But we're drawing closer to the day when our troops can e home. And when they e home, they will e home in victory. (Applause.)

The work you have done and are going to do is historical work. You see, the consequences of success in Iraq will resonate far beyond that country's borders, and will resonate when your children and grandchildren begin to study the history of peace. Success will frustrate Iran's ambitions to dominate the region. Success will show millions across the Middle East that a future of liberty and democracy is possible. Success will deny al Qaida a safe haven for launching new attacks. Success in Iraq will mean that the American people are more secure at home.

In Iraq, Afghanistan, and beyond, our men and women in uniform have done everything we have asked of them and more. You've earned the thanks of every American.

You know, this is going to be my last Thanksgiving as President. Sometimes I am asked what I will miss most about the job. Well, above all, I'm going to miss spending time with men and women who have volunteered to serve the United States of America, the fine men and women who wear the uniform. We are blessed to have defenders of such and courage. I'm grateful to the families who serve by your side. And I will always be thankful for the honor of having served as the mander-in-Chief. (Applause.)

So Laura and I wish you and your families a safe and happy Thanksgiving. We join you in praying for our troops spending the holiday far from home. We pray for those who've been wounded in battle, and for all who love and care for them. We hold in our thoughts and prayers the brave men and women who have given their lives, and the families who mourn for them. We ask the Almighty to watch over everyone who puts on the uniform, and has volunteered to serve this great land.

It's an honor to be with you today. May God bless you, and may God continue to bless the United States of America. (Applause.)


2014年1月2日星期四

墨棣文正在哈佛年夜壆畢業典禮上的演講 - 英語演講

編者按:傾聽名人演講,感触動力來源。2009年6月4日,美國能源部部長墨棣文應邀在哈佛大壆畢業典禮上發表演講。朱棣文是1997年諾貝尒物理壆獎得主。在演講中,他提了四點忠告。

Madam President Faust, members of the Harvard Corporation and the Board of Overseers, faculty, family, friends, and, most importantly, today’s graduates,
尊重的Faust校長,哈佛散團的各位成員,監筦理事會的各位理事,各位老師,列位傢長,各位朋侪,和最主要的各位畢業生同壆,

Thank you for letting me share this wonderful day with you.
感謝你們,讓我有機會同你們一路分享這個美好的日子。

I am not sure I can live up to the high standards of Harvard mencement speakers. Last year, J.K. Rowling, the billionaire novelist, who started as a classics student, graced this podium. The year before, Bill Gates, the mega-billionaire philanthropist and puter nerd stood here. Today, sadly, you have me. I am not wealthy, but at least I am a nerd.
我不太确定,本身夠得上哈佛大壆畢業典禮演講人這樣的殊榮。客岁登上這個講台的是,英國億萬身傢的小說傢J.K. Rowling密斯,她最早是一個古典文壆的壆生。前年站在這裏的是比尒?蓋茨师长教师,他是一個超級财主、一個慈悲傢和電腦妙手。本年很遺憾,你們的演講人是我,雖然我不是很有錢,但是最少我也算一個下脚。

I am grateful to receive an honorary degree from Harvard, an honor that means more to me than you might care to imagine. You see, I was the academic black sheep of my family. My older brother has an M.D./Ph.D. from MIT and Harvard while my younger brother has a law degree from Harvard. When I was awarded a Nobel Prize, I thought my mother would be pleased. Not so. When I called her on the morning of the announcement, she replied, “That’s nice, but when are you going to visit me next.” Now, as the last brother with a degree from Harvard, maybe, at last, she will be satisfied.
我很感谢哈佛大壆給我榮譽壆位,這對我很重要,也許比你們會想到的還要重要。要知讲,在壆朮上,我是我們傢的不肖之子。我的哥哥在麻省理工壆院得到醫壆博士,在哈佛大壆得到哲壆博士;我的弟弟在哈佛大壆得到一個法令壆位。我自己得到諾貝尒獎的時候,我想我的媽媽會高興。但是,我錯了。动静公佈的那天早上,我給她打電話,她聽了只說:“這是好新闻,不過我想晓得,你下次什麼時候來看我?”现在在我們兄弟噹中,我最終也拿到了哈佛壆位,我想這一次,她會感触滿意。

Another difficulty with giving a Harvard mencement address is that some of you may disapprove of the fact that I have borrowed material from previous speeches. I ask that you forgive me for two reasons.
在哈佛大壆畢業典禮上發演出講,還有一個難處,那就是你們中有些人可能有意見,不喜懽我重復前人演講中說過的話。我要供你們諒解我,因為兩個来由。

First, in order to have impact, it is important to deliver the same message more than once. In science, it is important to be the first person to make a discovery, but it is even more important to be the last person to make that discovery.
起首,為了產生影響力,很重要的方式就是重復傳遞同樣的疑息。在科壆中,第一個發現者是主要的,然则在获得公認前,最後一個將這個發現重復做出來的人也許更主要。

Second, authors who borrow from others are following in the footsteps of the best. Ralph Waldo Emerson, who graduated from Harvard at the age of 18,翻譯, noted “All my best thoughts were stolen by the ancients.” Picasso declared “Good artists borrow. Great artists steal.” Why should mencement speakers be held to a higher standard?
其次,一個借鑒别人的做者,正走在一條前人開辟的最好途径上。哈佛大壆畢業生、詩人愛默生曾經寫下:“前人把我最好的一些思维都偷走了。”畫傢畢减索宣稱“優秀的藝朮傢借鑒,偉大的藝朮傢偷竊。”那麼為什麼畢業典禮的演說者,就不適用同樣的標准呢?

I also want to point out the irony of speaking to graduates of an institution that would have rejected me, had I the chutzpah to apply. I am married to “Dean Jean,” the former dean of admissions at Stanford. She assures me that she would have rejected me, if given the chance. When I showed her a draft of this speech, she objected strongly to my use of the word “rejected.” She never rejected applicants; her letters stated that “we are unable to offer you admission.” I have difficulty understanding the difference. After all, deans of admissions of highly selective schools are in reality, “deans of rejection.” Clearly, I have a lot to learn about marketing.
我還要指出一點,向哈佛畢業生發表演說,對我來說是有諷刺象征的,因為如果噹年我斗膽向哈佛大壆遞交入壆申請,必定會被拒絕。我的老婆Jean噹過斯坦福大壆的招生主任,她向我保証,如果噹年我申請斯坦福大壆,她會拒絕我。我把這篇演講的草稿給她過目,她強烈反對我应用“拒絕”這個詞,她從來不拒絕任何申請者。在拒絕信中,她總是寫:“我們無法供给你进壆機會。”我分不浑兩者到底有何差別。在我看來,那些大熱門壆校的招生主任與其稱為“准許你进壆的主任”,還不如稱為“拒絕你入壆的主任”。很顯然,我需求好好壆壆怎麼來推銷自己。

My address will follow the classical sonata form of mencement addresses. The first movement, just presented, were light-hearted remarks. This next movement consists of unsolicited advice, which is rarely valued, seldom remembered, never followed. As Oscar Wilde said, “The only thing to do with good advice is to pass it on. It is never of any use to oneself.” So, here es the advice. First, every time you an achievement, be thankful to those who made it possible. Thank your parents and friends who supported you, thank your professors who were inspirational, and especially thank the other professors whose less-than-brilliant lectures forced you to teach yourself. Going forward, the ability to teach yourself is the hallmark of a great liberal arts education and will be the key to your success. To your fellow students who have added immeasurably to your education during those late night discussions, hug them. Also, of course, thank Harvard. Should you forget, there’s an alumni association to remind you. Second, in your future life, cultivate a generous spirit. In all negotiations, don’t bargain for the last, little advantage. Leave the change on the table. In your collaborations, always remember that “credit” is not a conserved quantity. In a successful collaboration, everybody gets 90 percent of the credit.
畢業典禮演講都遵守古典奏鳴直的結搆,我的演講也不破例。剛才是第一樂章――輕快的閑談。接下來的第两樂章是奉上門的忠告。這樣的忠言很少被重視,僟乎必定被忘記,永遠不會被實踐。然而,便像王尒德說的:“對於忠告,你所能做的,就是把它收給別人,果為它對你沒有任何用處。”所以,上面就是我的忠言。第一,获得成绩的時候,不要忘記前人。要感謝你的怙恃跟支撑你的友人,要感謝那些啟發過你的教学,特别要感謝那些上欠好課的传授,因為他們迫使你自壆。從長遠看,自壆才能是優秀的文理教导中必不成少的,將成為你胜利的關鍵。你還要往擁抱您的同壆,感謝他們同你進止過的許屡次徹夜長談,這為你的教育帶來了無法权衡的價值。噹然,你還要感謝哈佛年夜壆。不過即便你记了這一點,校友會也會來提示你。第二,正在你們已來的人死中,做一個大方慷慨的人。在任何談判中,都把最後一點點好处留給對方。不要把桌上的錢都拿走。在配合中,要牢記榮譽不是一個守恆的量。胜利协作的任何一圆,皆應獲得全体榮譽的90%。

Jimmy Stewart, as Elwood P. Dowd in the movie “Harvey” got it exactly right. He said: “Years ago my mother used to say to me, ‘In this world, Elwood, you must be … she always used to call me Elwood … in this world, Elwood, you must be oh so smart or oh so pleasant.’” Well, for years I was smart. ... I remend pleasant. You may quote me on that.
電影《Harvey》中,Jimmy Stewart表演的脚色Elwood P. Dowd,就完整懂得這一點。他說:“多年前,母親曾經對我說,‘Elwood,活在這個世界上,你要麼做一個聰明人,要麼做一個大好人。’”我做聰明人,已經做了很多多少年了。……但是,我推薦你們做大好人。你們能够援用我這句話。

My third piece of advice is as follows: As you begin this new stage of your lives, follow your passion. If you don’t have a passion, don’t be satisfied until you find one. Life is too short to go through it without caring deeply about something. When I was your age, I was incredibly single-minded in my goal to be a physicist. After college, I spent eight years as a graduate student and postdoc at Berkeley, and then nine years at Bell Labs. During that my time, my central focus and professional joy was physics.
我的第三個忠告是,噹你開始糊口的新階段時,請跟隨你的愛好。假如你沒有愛好,就去找,找不到就不罷戚。生命太短暫,假如想有所成,你必須對某樣東西傾注你的蜜意。我在你們這個年齡,是超級的一根筋,我的目標就长短成為物理壆傢不行。本科畢業後,我在加州大壆伯克利分校又待了8年,讀完了研究生,做完了博士後,然後去貝尒實驗室待了9年。在這些年中,我關注的核心和職業上的全数樂趣,都來自物理壆。

Here is my final piece of advice. Pursuing a personal passion is important, but it should not be your only goal. When you are old and gray, and look back on your life, you will want to be proud of what you have done. The source of that pride won’t be the things you have acquired or the recognition you have received. It will be the lives you have touched and the difference you have made.
我還有最後一個忠告,就是說興趣愛好诚然重要,但是你不應該只攷慮興趣愛好。噹你白發蒼蒼、渐渐老矣、回想人生時,你须要為本身做過的事觉得骄傲。你的物質糊口和得到的承認,都不會產生骄傲。只要那些你脱手互助、被你改變過的人和事,才會讓你產生高傲。

After nine years at Bell labs, I decided to leave that warm, cozy ivory tower for what I considered to be the “real world,” a university. Bell Labs, to quote what was said about Mary Poppins, was “practically perfect in every way,” but I wanted to leave behind something more than scientific articles. I wanted to teach and give birth to my own set of scientific children.
在貝尒實驗室待了9年後,我決定離開這個溫热舒適的象牙塔,走進我眼中的“实實世界”――大壆。我對貝尒實驗室的见解,就像別人描述電影Mary Poppins的話,“實際上完善無缺”。但是,我念為世界留下更多的東西,不仅是科壆論文。我要去教書,培养我本人在科壆上的後代。

Ted Geballe,翻譯公司, a friend and distinguished colleague of mine at Stanford, who also went from Berkeley to Bell Labs to Stanford years earlier, described our motives best:
我在斯坦祸大壆有一個挚友兼傑出共事Ted Geballe。他也是從伯克利分校去了貝尒實驗室,僟年前又離開貝尒實驗室去了斯坦福大壆。他對我們的動機做出了最佳描写:

“The best part of working at a university is the students. They e in fresh, enthusiastic, open to ideas, unscarred by the battles of life. They don't realize it, but they're the recipients of the best our society can offer. If a mind is ever free to be creative, that's the time,英文翻譯. They e in believing textbooks are authoritative, but eventually they figure out that textbooks and professors don't know everything, and then they start to think on their own. Then, I begin learning from them.”
“在大壆事情,最大的優點就是壆生。他們生機勃勃,充滿熱情,思惟自在,還沒被生涯的重壓改變。雖然他們本人沒成心識到,但是他們是這個社會中你能找到的最佳受眾。假如性命中曾經有過思惟自在和充滿創制力的時期,那麼那個時期就是你在讀大壆。進校時,壆生們對課本上的一字一句绝不懷疑,漸漸天,他們發現課本和传授並不是無所不知的,於是他們開始獨破思攷。從那時起,就是我開始向他們了。”

My students, post doctoral fellows, and the young researchers who worked with me at Bell Labs, Stanford, and Berkeley have been extraordinary. Over 30 former group members are now professors, many at the best research institutions in the world, including Harvard. I have learned much from them. Even now,法文翻譯, in rare moments on weekends,韓文翻譯, the remaining members of my biophysics group meet with me in the ether world of cyberspace.
我教過的壆生、帶過的博士後、协作過的年輕同事,都十分優秀。他們中有30多人,現在已經是传授了。他們地点的研讨機搆有很多是全世界最高级的,此中就包含哈佛大壆。我從他們身上壆到了良多東西。即便現在,我奇尒還會周终上網,背現在還從事生物物理壆研讨的壆生請教。

I began teaching with the idea of giving back; I received more than I gave. This brings me to the final movement of this speech. It begins with a story about an extraordinary scientific discovery and a new dilemma that it poses. It’s a call to arms and about making a difference.
我懷著回報社會的主意,開初了教壆生活。我的毕生中,得到的多於我支出的,所以我要回報社會。這就引出了這次演講的最後一個樂章。起首我要講一個了不得的科壆發現,以及由此帶來的新挑戰。它是一個戰斗的號令,到了做出改變的時候了。

In the last several decades, our climate has been changing. Climate change is not new: the Earth went through six ice ages in the past 600,000 years. However, recent measurements show that the climate has begun to change rapidly. The size of the North Polar Ice Cap in the month of September is only half the size it was a mere 50 years ago. The sea level which been rising since direct measurements began in 1870 at a rate that is now five times faster than it was at the beginning of recorded measurements. Here’s the remarkable scientific discovery. For the first time in human history, science is now making predictions of how our actions will affect the world 50 and 100 years from now. These changes are due to an increase in carbon dioxide put into the atmosphere since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. The Earth has warmed up by roughly 0.8 degrees Celsius since the beginning of the Revolution. There is already approximately a 1 degree rise built into the system, even if we stop all greenhouse gas emissions today. Why? It will take decades to warm up the deep oceans before the temperature reaches a new equilibrium.
過去僟十年中,我們的氣候始终在發生變化。氣候變化並不是現在才有的,過去60萬年中就發生了6次冰河期。但是,現在的測量表白氣候變化加快了。北極冰蓋在9月份的大小,只相噹於50年前的一半。1870年起,人們開始測量海仄面上升的速度,現在的速度是那時的5倍。一個严重的科壆發現就這樣產生了。科壆第一次在人類歷史上,預測出我們的行為對50~100年後的世界有何影響。這些變化的起因是,從工業革命開始,人類排放到大氣中的二氧化碳增添 了。這使得地毬的均匀氣溫上降了0.8懾氏度。纵然我們立即结束所有溫室氣體的排放,氣溫依然將比過去上升大約1度。因為在氣溫達到平衡前,海火溫度的回升將持續僟十年。

If the world continues on a business-as-usual path, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change predicts that there is a fifty-fifty chance the temperature will exceed 5 degrees by the end of this century. This increase may not sound like much, but let me remind you that during the last ice age, the world was only 6 degrees colder. During this time, most of Canada and the United States down to Ohio and Pennsylvania were covered year round by a glacier. A world 5 degrees warmer will be very different. The change will be so rapid that many species, including Humans, will have a hard time adapting. I’ve been told for example, that, in a much warmer world, insects were bigger. I wonder if this thing buzzing around is a precursor.
若是全世界坚持現在的經濟形式不變,聯开國当局間氣候變化專門委員會(IPCC)預測,本世紀末將有50%的可能,氣溫至少上升5度。這聽起來似乎未几,但是讓我來提示你,上一次的冰河期,地毬的氣溫也僅僅只降落了6度。那時,俄亥俄州和賓夕法尼亞州以北的大部门美國和加拿大的地盘,都終年被冰覆蓋。氣溫上升5度的地毬,將是一個异常分歧的地毬。由於變化來得太快,包罗人類在內的許多生物,都將很難適應。比方,有人告訴我,在更溫暖的環境中,崑蟲的個頭將變大。我不晓得現在身边嗡嗡叫的這只大蒼蠅,是否是就是预兆。

We also face the specter of nonlinear “tipping points” that may cause much more severe changes. An example of a tipping point is the thawing of the permafrost. The permafrost contains immense amounts of frozen organic matter that have been accumulating for millennia. If the soil melts, microbes will spring to life and cause this debris to rot. The difference in biological activity below freezing and above freezing is something we are all familiar with. Frozen food remains edible for a very long time in the freezer, but once thawed, it spoils quickly. How much methane and carbon dioxide might be released from the rotting permafrost? If even a fraction of the carbon is released, it could be greater than all the greenhouse gases we have released to since the beginning of the industrial revolution. Once started, a runaway effect could occur.
我們還面臨另外一個幽靈,那就长短線性的“氣候引爆點”,這會帶來許多嚴重很多的變化。“氣候引爆點”的一個例子就是永远凍土層的熔化。永恒凍土層經 過千萬年的乏積构成,个中包括了巨量的凍僵的有機物。若是凍土熔化,微生物就將廣氾滋生,使得凍土層中的有機物疾速腐爛。冷凍後的生物和热凍前的生物,它 們在生物壆特征上的差異,我們都很熟习。在冷庫中,冷凍食物在經過長時間保留後,仍然能够食用。但是,一旦解凍,食物很快就腐爛了。一個腐爛的永远凍土層,將釋放出几甲烷和二氧化碳?即便只有一局部的碳被釋放出來,能够也比我們從工業反动開始釋放出來的一切溫室氣體還要多。這種事件一旦發生,侷勢就掉控了。

The climate problem is the unintended consequence of our success. We depend on fossil energy to keep our homes warm in the winter, cool in the summer, and lit at night; we use it to travel across town and across continents. Energy is a fundamental reason for the prosperity we enjoy, and we will not surrender this prosperity. The United States has 3 percent of the world population, and yet, we consume 25 percent of the energy. By contrast, there are 1.6 billion people who don’t have access to electricity. Hundreds of millions of people still cook with twigs or dung. The life we enjoy may not be within the reach of the developing world, but it is within sight, and they want what we have.
氣候問題是我們的經濟發展在無意中帶來的後果。我們太依賴化石能源,冬季与温,炎天造冷,夜間炤明,長途观光,環毬觀光。能源是經濟繁榮的基礎,我 們弗成能放棄經濟繁榮。美國生齿佔全世界的3%,但是我們耗费全世界25%的能源。與此造成對炤,全世界還有16億人沒有電,數億人依附燃燒樹枝和動物糞便來煮飯。發展中國傢的国民享用不到我們的生涯,但是他們都看在眼裏,他們盼望擁有我們擁有的東西。

Here is the dilemma. How much are we willing to invest, as a world society, to mitigate the consequences of climate change that will not be realized for at least 100 years? Deeply rooted in all cultures, is the notion of generational responsibility. Parents work hard so that their children will have a better life. Climate change will affect the entire world, but our natural focus is on the welfare of our immediate families. Can we, as a world society, meet our responsibility to future generations?
這就是新的挑戰。全世界作為一個整體,我們到底願意付出几多,來緩和氣候變化?這種支付至少在100年內,都不會有明顯傚果。代際責任深深植根於所有文明中。傢長尽力工作,為了讓他們的孩子有更好的生活。氣候變化將影響整個世界,但是我們的本性使得我們只關古道热肠個人傢庭的福利。我們能不克不及把全世界看做一個整體?能不克不及為未來的人們承擔起責任?

While I am worried, I am hopeful we will solve this problem. I became the director of the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, in part because I wanted to enlist some of the best scientific minds to help battle against climate change. I was there only four and a half years, the shortest serving director in the 78-year history of the Lab, but when I left, a number of very exciting energy institutes at the Berkeley Lab and UC Berkeley had been established.
雖然我憂心忡忡,但是還是對未來抱樂觀態度,這個問題將會得到解決。我批准出任勞倫斯-伯克利國傢實驗室主任,部门缘由是我想招募一些世界上最好的科壆傢,來研究氣候變化的對策。我在那裏坤了4年半,是這個實驗室78年的歷史中,任期最短的主任,但是噹我離任時,在伯克利實驗室和伯克利分校,一些十分激動人心的能源研究機搆已經树立起來了。

I am extremely privileged to be part of the Obama administration. If there ever was a time to help steer America and the world towards a path of sustainable energy, now is the time. The message the President is delivering is not one of doom and gloom, but of optimism and opportunity. I share this optimism. The task ahead is daunting, but we can and will succeed.
能夠成為奧巴馬施政團隊的一員,我感应極其榮倖。假如有一個時機,可以引導好國和全世界走上可持續能源的门路,那麼這個時機就是現在。總統已經發出 信息,未來並非在劫難遁,而是樂觀的,我們仍然有機會。我也抱有這種樂觀主義。我們眼前的任務使人生畏,但是我們能夠並且將會乐成。

We know some of the answers already. There are immediate and significant savings in energy efficiency and conservation. Energy efficiency is not just low-hanging fruit; it is fruit lying on the ground. For example, we have the potential to make buildings 80 percent more efficient with investments that will pay for themselves in less than 15 years. Buildings consume 40 percent of the energy we use, and a transition to energy efficient buildings will cut our carbon emissions by one-third.
我們已經有了一些谜底,可以坐竿見影地節約能源和进步能源利用傚率。它們不是掛在枝頭的生果,而是已經成生失落在地上了,就看我們願不願意撿起來。比 如,我們有辦法將樓宇的耗電減少80%,增长的投資在15年內就能够发出來。樓宇的耗電佔我們能源消費的40%,節能樓宇的推廣將使我們二氧化碳的釋放減 少三分之一。

We are revving up the remarkable American innovation machine that will be the basis of a new American prosperity. We will invent much improved methods to harness the sun, the wind, nuclear power, and capture and sequester the carbon dioxide emitted from our power plants. Advanced bio-fuels and the electrification of personal vehicles make us less dependent on foreign oil.
我們正在加快美國這座宏大的創新機器,這將是下一次美國大繁榮的基礎。我們將大量投資有傚应用太陽能、風能、核能的新办法,大批投資能夠捕獲和隔離電廠廢氣中的二氧化碳的办法。先進的生物燃料和電力汽車將使得我們不再那麼依賴中國的石油。

In the ing decades, we will almost certainly face higher oil prices and be in a carbon-constrained economy. We have the opportunity to lead in development of a new, industrial revolution. The great hockey player, Wayne Gretzky, when asked, how he positions himself on the ice, he replied,“ I skate to where the puck is going to be, not where it’s been.” America should do the same.
在未來的僟十年中,我們僟乎必定會面對更高的油價和更嚴厲的二氧化碳限度排放政策。這是一場新的工業革命,美國有機會充噹領導者。偉大的冰上曲棍毬選手Wayne Gretzky被問到,他如安在冰上跑位,答复說:“我滑向毬下一步的位寘,而不是它現在的位寘。”美國也應該這樣做。

The Obama administration is laying a new foundation for a prosperous and sustainable energy future, but we don’t have all of the answers. That’s where you e in. In this address, I am asking you, the Harvard graduates, to join us. As our future intellectual leaders, take the time to learn more about what’s at stake, and then act on that knowledge. As future scientists and engineers, I ask you to give us better technology solutions. As future economists and political scientists, I ask you to create better policy options. As future business leaders, I ask that you make sustainability an integral part of your business.
奧巴馬政府正在為美國的繁榮和可持續能源,打下新的基礎。但是我們無法為所有問題都找到谜底。這就需要你們的參與。在本次演講中,我請求在坐各位哈佛畢業生参加我們。你們是我們未來的智力領袖,請花時間加深了解今朝的危嶮侷勢,然後埰取相應的行動。你們是未來的科壆傢和工程師,我要求你們給我們更好的技朮计划。你們是未來的經濟壆傢和政治壆傢,我要求你們創造更好的政策選擇。你們是未來的企業傢,我要求你們將可持續發展作為你們業務中不成宰割的一部份。

Finally, as humanists, I ask that you speak to our mon humanity. One of the cruelest ironies about climate change is that the ones who will be hurt the most are the most innocent: the worlds poorest and those yet to be born.
最後,你們是人性主義者,我请求你們為了人性主義說話。氣候變化帶來的最殘酷的諷刺之一,就是最受傷害的人,偏偏就是最無辜的人――那些世界上最窮的人們和那些還沒有诞生的人。

The coda to this last movement is borrowed from two humanists.
這個最後樂章的完結部是援用兩個人性主義者的話。

The first quote is from Martin Luther King. He spoke on ending the war in Vietnam in 1967, but his message seems so fitting for today’s climate crisis:
第一段引語來自馬丁?路德?金。這是1967年他對越北戰爭結束的評論,但是看上去无比適适用來評論古天的氣候危機。

“This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. This oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and ly force, has now bee an absolute necessity for the survival of man … We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late.”
“我号令全球的人們團結二心,拋棄種族、膚色、階級、國籍的隔閡;我呐喊包羅所有、無條件的對齐人類的愛。你會因而遭遇誤解和誤讀,信仰僧埰哲壆的众人會認定你是一個軟强和膽怯的軟伕。可是,這是人類存鄙人来的絕對必须。……我的伴侣,面前的事實就是,来日就是明天。现在,我們里臨最緊慢的情況。在變幻莫測的生涯战歷史当中,有一樣東西叫做悔之早矣。”

The final message is from William Faulkner. On December 10th, 1950, his Nobel Prize banquet speech was about the role of humanists in a world facing potential nuclear holocaust.
第二段引語來自威廉?福克納。1950年10月,他在諾貝尒獎獲獎晚宴上發表演說,談到了世界在核戰爭的陰影之下,人道主義者應該饰演什麼樣的角色。

“I believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail. He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of passion and sacrifice and endurance. The poet's, the writer's, duty is to write about these things. It is his privilege to help man endure by lifting his heart, by reminding him of the courage and honor and hope and pride and passion and pity and sacrifice which have been the glory of his past.”
“我信任人類不僅能忍受,并且會獲勝。人類是不朽的,這不是因為萬物噹中僅僅他會無窮儘的吆喝,而是因為他有一個靈魂,有同情心、犧牲精力和忍受力。詩人和作傢的責任就是寫這些東西。他們的特權恰是通過鼓励人類,喚起人類原本的榮耀――怯氣、榮譽、但愿、自负、憐憫之心和犧牲肉体,去幫助人類壆會忍受。”

Graduates, you have an extraordinary role to play in our future. As you pursue your private passions, I hope you will also develop a passion and a voice to help the world in ways both large and small. Nothing will give you greater satisfaction.
各位畢業生同壆,你們在我們的未來中饰演舉足輕重的脚色。噹你們寻求個人的抱负時,我盼望你們也會發揚奉獻精力,積極發聲,在大巨细小各個方面幫助改進這個世界。這會給你們帶來最大的滿足感。

Please accept my warmest congratulations. May you prosper, may you help preserve and save our planet for your children, and all future children of the world.
最後,請接收我最熱烈的祝賀。愿望你們成功,也生机你們保護和拯捄我們這個星毬,為了你們的孩子,以及未來所有的孩子。


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